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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, 



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UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



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iff I 



GEO. J. WEBSTER. 



THE 



NATIONAL CONSTITUTION 



COPYRIGHTED. CONSHOHOCKEN, PA. 



PEICE IS CEISTTS, 






KB 



LIFE! 

By Geo. J. -Webster- 

What has been said of it: It is worth 
rending. A suggestive pamphlet. It is 
sound. 



Four Hundred 
JV! iles op 'poot 

by Rob Jesse Egweto.v 

Translated from the 
manuscript by the au- 
thor of ; "Life. r 



Temperance and other subjects are con- 
sidered. 

The DiYinity of Jesus Christ 

with Faith apd Works. 

By the author of " Life." 




Sevep. Great Evils 

By the author of ' ; Life.'* 



THE 



NATIONAL CONSTITUTION 



BY 



GRO. #. WRB8TRR, 

T ^ AUTHOR OF "LIFE," 

CONSHOHOCKEN, PA. 



• 3 7 



A COPYRIGHT LAW. 

Sec. 4964. Every person who, after the record- 
ing of the title of any book and the depositing of 
two copies of such book, as provided by this act, 
shall, contrary to the provisions of this act, with- 
in the term limited, and without the consent of 
the proprietor of the copyright first obtained in 
writing, signed in presence of two or more wit- 
nesses, print, publish, dramatize, translate, or im- 
port, or, knowing the same to be so printed, pub- 
lished, dramatized, translated or imported, shall 
sell or expose to sale any copy of such book, 
shall forfeit every copy thereof to such proprietor, 
and shall also forfeit and pay such damages as 
may be recovered in a civil action by such pro- 
prietor in any court of competent jurisdiction. 




Copyright, 1892, 



BY 



George J. Webster. 




J|^* Short quotations may be made from the copyrighted 
publications of the author of this one provided the proper credit, 
Webster's Publications, or the like be given. 



PREFACE. 

THE autltor has so often thought that 
the great majority of the people, 
and in fact all of us, do not know 
near enough about the great organic and 
fundamental law of our land. If we did 
but know it our National Constitution is 
probably the grandest instrument of 
writing by which a great people is gov- 
erned that the world has aver seen. 
And yet there are people in the land, 
even voters, who hardly know that there 
is such a thing as a National Constitu- 
tion. The great fault of this is because 
those who do know that there is such a 
thing, and who should be the teachers of 
the people, do not fully recognize its 
great importance. But by that instru- 
ment of writing all disputes are settled 
and all questions of political economy 
determined. The National Constitution 
is the supreme law of the land. The 



judgments arrived at through the study 
of its purposes and of its plans are final. 

The plan of this work will be to quote 
parts from this great Charter and make 
comments upon those parts. Nearly the 
whole Constitution will be quoted in this 
manner, so that the book will contain it 
almost in its entirety, and thus will it be 
a means, it is to be hoped, of helping to 
keep the great subject before the view of 
the people. 

Although the name of God is not 
mentioned in the National Constitution, 
yet the true spirit of it cannot be fully 
comprehended without divine aid. Our 
forefathers in adopting it felt the mov- 
ings of the Holy Spirit, and Franklin 
said that he was not satisfied with it be- 
cause it was perfection but because it was 
so near perfection. Amendments were 
afterwards added to make it nearer per- 
fection, and in the time of Lincoln it 
made a great stride towards perfection 
through amendment. It is our duty to 
bring it still nearer perfection. Will we 
do it ? Let us pray. G. J. W. 

Conshohocken, Pa. 1st, 12mo. 1892. 



PREAMBLE. 

WE the People of the United States, 
in order to form a more perfect 
union, establish justice, insure 
domestic tranquility, provide for the 
common defense, promote the general 
welfare, and secure the blessings of lib- 
erty to ourselves and our posterity, do 
ordain and establish this Constitution for 
the Un'ted States of America. 

This Preamble is very plain and sim- 
ple. It starts out by saying, ' l We the 
People, " which brings the w r hole subject 
to the attention of all. Then it states 
why the Constitution is ordained and es- 
tablished. The first reason is " to form 
a more perfect union," because it is true 
that a united people is a strong nation. 
The language is not to form a perfect 
union, but to form a more perfect one, 
as other forms of union had been tried 
and w^ere found lacking, so that some- 
thing better was wanting, and the test of 
a century has shown that something more 
perfect was found. The next reasons 



6 

for ordaining and establishing the Con- 
stitution are that justice may be estab- 
lished, which is so essential in good gov- 
ernment, that domestic tranquility may 
be insured and all live in peace and har- 
mony, that the defense may be provided 
for, which in these days is being sought 
for more through arbitration, it is to be 
hoped, than through means of warfare, 
that the general welfare may be provided 
for, which is an impartial provision, and 
last, but by no means the least, that the 
blessings of liberty to ourselves and our 
posterity may be secured, which shows 
the regard for future generations. 

The plan of Government was then 
divided into three heads, the Legislative, 
the Executive, and the Judiciary — the 
first, to make the laws, the second, to 
co-operate with the Legislative and carry 
the laws into effect, and the third to de- 
termine the Constitutionality of the laws. 

The first section of the first Article of 
the Constitution provides that ' i all legis- 
lative powers herein granted shall be 
vested in a Congress of the United States, 
which shall consist of a Senate and a 



House of Representatives." 

The second section tells how members 
of the House of Representatives are to 
be chosen, ' 4 by the people of the several 
states, n and that they shall be chosen 
every second year. As at present these 
members do* not serve for more than a 
year after their election, unless there is 
an extra session of Congress before that 
time, would not the interests of the 
country be better promoted if they met 
shortlv after their election, and if one- 
half of their number were chosen every 
alternate year ? Members of the House 
directly represent the people, and if they 
met sooner than they do legislation could 
be enacted while it was fresh in the 
minds of the people. One-half of the 
number elected alternately would prevent 
the House from being composed practi- 
cally of all new members, the majority 
of whom, it may be, know very little or 
nothing about practical legislation for 
want of experience. This section pro- 
vides that a representative is to be at 
least twenty -five years of age, been seven 
years a citizen of the United States, and 



an inhabitant of the State in which he is 
chosen. Provision is made for the ap- 
portionment of representatives, based 
upon a census to be taken every ten 
years. The number is not to exceed one 
for every thirty thousand inhabitants, 
but the ratio of representation is very 
much less than that, and each state is to 
have at least one representative. u When 
vacancies happen in the representatign 
from any State, the executive authority 
thereof shall issue writs of election to 
fill such vacancies, " is a provision of the 
Constitution, and power is given to the 
House of Representatives to choose their 
speaker and other officers. The sole 
power of impeachment is given to it. 

The third section provides for the 
Senators. Each state legislature is to 
elect two of them, who are to be chosen 
for six years, each Senator having one 
vote. By a wise provision the Senators 
are divided into three classes, one-third 
of them being chosen every two years. 
By having a Senate the different states 
are given a representation in the legisla- 
tive branch of the national government. 



In case of a vacancy during the recess of 
a legislature of a state the Executive 
thereof is to make temporary appoint- 
ments. To be a Senator a person must 
be at least thirty years of age, nine years 
a citizen of tiie United States, and when 
elected, an inhabitant of the State for 
wlreh he shall be chosen. The Vice- 
President of the United States is the 
President of the Senate, but has no vote, 
unless the members are equally divided. 
The Senate has the power to choose its 
other officers, and also a President pro 
tempore, in the absence of the Vice 
President, or when he shall exercise the 
office of President of the United States. 
It has the sole power to try all impeach- 
ments ; and when sitting for that pur- 
pose the Senators are under oath or af- 
firmation. AVhen the President of the 
United States is tried, as happened once, 
in the case of Andrew Johnson, the Chief 
Just'ce presides, and no person is to be 
convicted without the concurrence of 
two-thirds of the members present. In 
cases of impeachment judgment is not to 
extend further than removal from office, 



10 

and disqualification to hold and enjoy 
any office of honor, trust or profit under 
the United States : but the party con- 
victed shall nevertheless be liable and 
subject to indictment, trial, judgment 
and punishment, according to law. It is 
often claimed that ' i public office is a 
public trust, " which is true, but it is also 
one of honor or profit. As one of profit 
it is not to be used for mercenary pur- 
poses. 

Section four provides the times, places 
and manner of holding elections for sen- 
ators and representatives, which are to 
be prescribed in each state by the legis- 
lature thereof : but Congress may at any 
time, by law, make or alter such regula- 
tions, except as to the places of choosing 
senators. Congress is to assemble at 
least once in every year, and such meet- 
ing shall be on the first Monday in De- 
cember, unless they shall by law appoint 
a different day. 

The fifth section is very important in 
providing that each house shall be the 
judge of the elections, returns and quali- 
fications of its own members, which thus 



11 

decides all contests of members of either 
house in this manner. A majority of 
each house constitutes a quorum to do 
business, but a smaller number may ad- 
journ from day to day, and what is of 
great interest, it ' 4 may be authorized to 
compel the Attendance of absent mem- 
bers, in such manner, and under such 
penalties as each house may provide. 
That provision is a guard against the 
shirking of duty, and its enforcement 
would prevent much filibustering. Each 
house determines the rules of its proceed- 
ings, punishes its members for disorderly 
behavior, and, with the concurrence of 
two-thirds, expels a member. Should 
any injustice be done in this direction, 
the next election settles it. A journal 
of its proceedings is to be kept by each 
house, and provision is made for the 
publication of it. The adjournment of 
Congress, excepting for three days or 
less, requires joint action. 

Section sixth provides for the compen- 
sation for the services of senators and 
representatives. In another book of this 
size, entitled, My Own Doctor, some 



12 

views on this subject have been ex- 
pressed on page 47. Senators and rep- 
resentatives are privileged from arrest 
during attendance at the session of Con- 
gress, except for treason, felony and 
breach of the peace. They are not to 
be questioned out of Congress for any 
speech or debate made in either house. 
No senator or representative can hold 
any other office under the United States. 
Section seventh provides that all bills 
for raising revenue shall originate in the 
House of Representatives, but the Senate 
may propose or concur with amendments 
as on other bills. The powers of Con- 
gress are checked in a clause that re- 
quires every bill after having passed 
both the House of Representatives and 
the Senate, before it becomes a law, to 
be presented to the President of the 
United States, who, if he approves it, is 
to sign it, and if not, he is to return it 
without his signature to the house in 
which it originated. The power of the 
President is checked here by this house 
being required to reconsider the bill, 
after having entered at large on their 



13 

journal the objections of the President 
who is to give his reasons for disap- 
proval, when it may be passed by a two- 
thirds majority over the President's veto, 
and if so passed by the other house, it 
becomes a law without the approval of 
the President. The President cannot 
kill a bill by default, because if he does 
not sign it wdthin ten days (Sundays ex- 
cepted) after having received it, it be- 
comes a law r , unless Congress should by 
its adjournment prevent its return. 
Every order, resolution, or vote to which 
the concurrence of both houses is neces- 
sary (excepting cases of adjournment) is 
to be passed as in the case of a bill. 

Section eighth is very important be- 
cause of defining the pow r ers conferred 
upon Congress. The first clause reads : 

The Congress shall have power to lay 
and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and 
excises, to pay the debts and provide for 
the common defense and general welfare 
of the United States ; but all duties, im- 
posts and excises shall be uniform 
throughout the United States. Great 
provision is made by this clause. The 



14 

next is : 

To borrow money on the credit of the 
United States. The United States is an 
organization composed of people united 
for the purpose as specified in the first 
clause, and as a means of business it 
may borrow money. The next is : 

To regulate commerce with foreign 
nations, and among the several states, 
and with the Indian tribes. It has been 
proposed to have a commission to regu- 
late commerce with foreign nations, but 
if that commission were an international 
one established by a Constitutional 
treaty it would do more good. An in- 
terstate commission now regulates com- 
merce among the several states. Mach 
improvement might be made in dealing 
with the Indian tribes, to whom the land 
belonged at one time by natural inheri- 
tance. The next is : 

To establish a uniform rule of natural- 
ization, and uniform laws on the subject 
of bankruptcies throughout the United 
States. The next is : 

To coin money, regulate the value 
thereof, and of foreign coin, and to fix 



15 

the standard of weights and measures. 
The subject of coining money still 
bothers Congress after more than one 
hundred years of effort to use this power 
aright. The next is : 

To provide for the punishment of 
counterfeiting the securities and current 
coin of the United States. The next is : 

To establish post-offices and post- 
roads. Wonderful progress has been 
made in this direction for the interests of 
the people, although it has not been 
upon a self-supporting basis. The next is : 

To promote the progress of science 
and useful arts, by securing for limited 
times, to authors and inventors, the ex- 
clusive right to their respective writings 
and discoveries. Congress has made 
good laws regarding this which probably 
might be improved some, but more can 
be done internationally. The next is : 

To constitute tribunals inferior to the 
Supreme Court. The next is : 

To define and punish piracies and felo- 
nies on the high seas, and offenses 
against the law of nations. The next is : 

To declare war and grant letters of 



16 

marque and reprisal, and make rules 
concerning captures on land and water. 
It is to be regretted that the condit ! on of 
the people has been such as to reqirre 
this clause, and it is to be hoped, as the 
signs of the times indicate it, that it will 
become obsolete, which will do away 
with the Secretary of War in the Presi- 
dent's Cabinet. The next is : 

To raise and support armies, but no 
appropriation of money to that use shall 
be for a longer term than two years. 
May this become obsolete because of not 
being needed. The next is : 

To provide and maintain a navy. 
Civilization as it advances will certainly 
do away with the purpose of this clause, 
and the Secretary of the Navy in the 
President's Cabinet be an office belong- 
ing only to the past. The next is in 
regard to calling forth the militia, and so 
forth, followed by the next which pro- 
vides for organizing the militia, and so 
forth. There will be no need of these 
as the age becomes more enlightened. 
The great mass of the people being law- 
abiding, transgressors will be easily dealt 



17 

with in the courts. The next clause 
provides for the creation of the District 
of Columbia, as it is now called, and 
for legislation in it, And the next 
clause reads : 

To make ^Jl laws which shall be nec- 
essary and proper for carrying into exe- 
cution the foregoing powers, and all 
other powers vested by this Constitution 
in the government of the United States, 
or in any department or officer thereof. 
This is a very wise provision, and is so 
broad that any amendment made at any 
time can be enforced without making a 
special wording to that effect. 

Section ninth defines the limitations to 
the powers of Congress. The first clause 
deals with immigration. Prior to the 
year one thousand eight hundred and 
eight immigration shall not be prohib- 
ited, but a tax or duty not exceeding ten 
dollars on each person might be im- 
posed. Hence it is to be inferred that 
after that year immigration may be pro- 
hibited, and thus the paupers, lunatics, 
and criminals of other countries can be 
forbidden to land in this country. Prob- 



18 

ably a tax can be imposed, but why li- 
cense the undesirable class of people of 
other countries ? This section prohibits 
the suspension of the writ of habeas cor- 
pus, unless when in cases of rebellion or 
invasion (the days of which it is hoped 
are passed) the public safety may require 
it. No bill of attainder or ex post facto 
law is to be passed. No capitation or 
other direct tax is to be laid, unless in 
proportion to the census or enumeration 
hereinbefore directed to be taken. No 
tax or duty is to be laid on articles ex- 
ported from any state. No preference is 
to be given by any regulation of com- 
merce or revenue to the ports of one 
state over those of another : nor are ves- 
sels bound to, or from, one state, obliged 
to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. 
No money is to be drawn from the treas- 
ury, but in consequence of appropria- 
tions made by law : and a regular state- 
ment and account of the receipts and ex- 
penditures of all public money shall be 
published from time to time. No title 
of nobility is to be granted by the 
United States : And no person holding 



19 

any office of profit or trust under them, 
shall, without the consent of Congress, 
accept of any present, emolument, office, 
or title, of any kind whatever, from any 
king, prince, or foreign state. 

Section tenth defines the limitations to 
the powders o*f the states. No state shall 
enter into any treaty, alliance, or confed- 
eration ; grant letters of marque and re- 
prisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; 
make anything but gold and silver coin 
a tender in p lyment of debts ; pass any 
bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or 
law impairing the obligation of contracts, 
or grant any title of nobility. No state 
shall, without the consent of Congress, 
lay any impost or duties on imports or 
exports, except what may be absolutely 
necessary for executing its inspection 
laws, and the revenue thus derived shall 
be paid into the United States Treasury. 
No state is to lay any duty of tonnage, 
and the rest is in regard to war measures, 
which it is hoped are becoming to be no 
longer needed. 

Article Two is in reference to the Ex- 
ecutive power. By section first the Ex- 



20 

ecutive power is to be vested in a Presi- 
dent of the United States of America, 
who is to hold his term of office for four 
years. There is no limiting the number 
of terms of office, but the two-term ex- 
ample of Washington has so far been 
followed in the history of the country, 
although Grover Cleveland has received 
a third nomination for the office and 
been elected twice at this writing. The 
Vice-President is chosen at the same time 
as the President for the same term and 
they are elected by each state appointing 
in such manner as the legislature thereof 
may determine a number of electors 
equal to the whole number of senators 
and representatives to which the state 
may be entitled in Congress : but no 
senator or representative or person hold- 
ing an office of trust or profit under the 
United States, shall be appointed an 
elector. Article Twelfth of the Amend- 
ments provides the manner of the elec- 
tors fulfilling their duty. They are to 
meet in their respective states and vote 
by ballot for President and Vice-Presi- 
dent. It is an excellent provision of the 



21 

Constitution that the people elect the 
representatives, that they elect the legis- 
latures which in turn elect the senators, 
and that they elect the electors who in 
turn elect the President and Vice-Presi- 
dent, thus making the representation in 
the government more diversified. The 
ballots of the electors, having been dis- 
tinctly marked for President, and for 
Vice-President, are opened by the Presi- 
dent of the Senate in the presence of the 
members of the house and senate, and 
the votes counted. If no choice is made 
by the electors, the President and Vice- 
President having to receive a majority of 
the votes cast, the House of Representa- 
tives proceeds to ballot for President, 
and if no choice is made by the 4th of 
March when the session ends, then the 
Vice-President of the United States be- 
comes the President. If the electors do 
not choose a Vice-President the Senate 
chooses one. Congress determines the 
time of choosing electors, and the day 
on which they shall give their votes 
which is the same throughout the United 
States. 



22 

No person except a natural born citi- 
zen is eligible to the office of President, 
and Article Twelfth of the Amendments 
does not permit a person for Vice-Presi- 
dent who would be ineligible to the office 
of President. And no person who 
is not thirty-five years of age and who 
has not been fourteen years a resident of 
the United States can be President. If 
the President should be removed from 
office through death, resignation or ina- 
bility to discharge his duties, then the 
Vice-President becomes President, and in 
case of the removal of both of these 
Congress provides for the emergency. 
The President is to be compensated for 
performing his duties, and before enter- 
ing upon them he is to take the follow- 
ing oath or affirmation : c 4 1 do solemnly 
affirm (or swear) that I will faithfully 
execute the office of President of the 
United States, and will to the best of 
my ability, preserve, protect, and defend 
the Constitution of the United States." 
As w r e are enjoined, Bl Swear not at all," 
humility will keep all to an affirmation. 

Section two provides first that the 



23 

President is to be commander-in-chief of 
the army and navy of the United States, 
a duty which it is to be hoped will not 
be required in the near future. He next 
has the power, by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate, to make 
treaties, provided two-thirds of the sena- 
tors present concur, and he should be 
careful not to use this power unconstitu- 
tionally. He shall nominate, and by 
and with the advice and consent of the 
Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other 
public ministers and consuls, judges of 
the Supreme Court, and all other officers 
of the United States, whose appoint- 
ments are not otherwise provided for in 
the Constitution, and which shall be es- 
tablished by law ; but Congress may by 
law^ vest the appointment of such inferior 
officers as they think proper, in the 
President alone, in the courts of law, or 
in the heads of departments. The Presi- 
dent has the power to fill all vacancies 
during the recess of the Senate by grant- 
ing commissions which expire at the end 
of the next session. He shall from time 
to time inform Congress of the condition 



24 

of the Union, and recommend such meas- 
ures as he judges necessary and expedi- 
ent. He does this through annual and 
special messages. He can on extraordi- 
nary occasions convene both houses of 
Congress or either of them, and if there 
should be disagreement between them as 
to the time of adjournment he may ad- 
journ them to such place as he may th : nk 
proper. He receives ambassadors and 
other public ministers, and he takes care 
that the laws are faithfully executed. 
He commissions all the officers of the 
United States. 

.Section fourth provides that the Presi- 
dent, Vice-President, and all civil officers 
of the United States, shall be removed 
from office on impeachment for, and 
conviction of treason, bribery, or other 
high crimes and misdemeanors. 

In article three are enumerated the 
purposes and powers of the Judiciary of 
the United States. 

Section one provides that "the judi- 
cial power of the United States shall be 
vested in one Supreme Court, and in 
such inferior courts as the Congress may 



25 

from time to time ordain and establish." 
The judges of these courts hold their 
offices during good behavior, and are 
compensated for their services, which 
compensation is not to be diminished 
during their continuation in office. 

Section fr&o defines the duties of the 
judicial power, as " extending to all 
cases, in law and equity, arising under 
this Constitution, the laws of the United 
States, and treaties made, or which shall 
be made, under their authority ; — to all 
cases affecting ambassadors, other public 
ministers, and consuls ; — to all cases of 
admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; — 
to controversies to which the United 
States shall be a party ; — to controversies 
between two or more states; — between 
a state and citizens of another state ; — 
between citizens of different states ; — be- 
tween citizens of the same state claiming 
lands under grants of different states, 
and between a state, or the citizens 
thereof, and foreign states, citizens or 
subjects." The Supreme Court has 
original jurisdiction in all cases affecting 
ambassadors, other public min'sters and 



2G 

consuls, and those in which a state shall 
be a party. Appellate jurisdiction, both 
as to law and effect, is had in all other 
cases before mentioned, but Congress 
may make exceptions and regulations. 

Section three defines treason £ gainst 
the United States as consisting in levy- 
ing war against them, or in adhering to 
their enemies, giving them aid and com- 
fort. No person is to be convicted of 
treason unless on the testimony of two 
witnesses to the overt act, or on confes- 
sion in open court, and its punishment is 
provided for by Congress, but "no at- 
tainder of treason shall work corruption 
of blood or forfeiture except during the 
life of the person attainted. " 

Section one of Article four defines the 
rights of states to full public faith, so 
that the public acts, records and judicial 
proceedings of any state shall not be 
questioned in another state, and Con- 
gress, by general laws, may prescribe the 
manner in which such acts, etc. , shall be 
proved and the effect thereof. 

Section two defines the privileges and 
immunities of citizens of each state as 



27 

extending to the other states. No per- 
son can flee from justice by escaping into 
another state from that in which the 
crime was committed, hut shall be de- 
livered up on demand of the executive 
authority of the state where the crime 
was committed to be removed to such a 
state. Another clause refers to the law 
regulating service or labor, which, hap- 
pily, is now obsolete. 

Section three defines the manner m 
w r hich new states may be formed and ad- 
mitted into the Union. This act is per- 
formed by Congress, but no new state is 
to be formed or erected within the juris- 
diction of another, nor, is any state to be 
formed by the junction of two or more 
states or parts of states, without the con- 
sent of the legislatures of the states con- 
cerned as well as of Congress. And 
Congress has power over all public lands. 

Section four guarantees to every state 
a republican form of government, and 
the United States protects each of them 
against invasion, domestic violence, and 
the like, but civilization and Christianity 
will enlighten the people so that they 



28 

will not take part in invasion and vio- 
lence, so that the few disturbers of the 
public peace will soon be brought to 
justice. 

Article five defines the manner in 
which the Constitution may be amended. 
It is: "The Congress, whenever two- 
thirds of both houses shall deem it nec- 
essary, shall propose amendments to the 
Constitution, or, on the application of 
the legislatures of two-thirds of the seve- 
ral states, shall call a convention for pro- 
posing amendments, which, in either 
case, shall be valid to all intents and 
purposes, as part of this Constitution, 
when ratified by the legislatures of three- 
fourths of the several states, or by con- 
ventions in three-fourths thereof, as the 
one or the other mode of ratification may 
be proposed by the Congress," with a 
provision that has reference to a former 
time, "and that no state, without its 
consent, shall be deprived of its equal 
suffrage in the Senate. " 

In Article six the validity of all debts 
contracted and engagements entered into, 
before the adoption of the Constitution, 



2y 

are recognized as fully as before the 
adoption. The Constitution is the su- 
preme law of the land, anything in the 
Constitution or laws of any state to the 
contrary notwithstanding. The laws of 
the United ^tates made in pursuance of 
the Constitution, and all treaties so 
made, are supreme. Another clause 
makes provision for the oath or affirma- 
tion of senators and representatives, the 
members of the several state legislatures, 
and all executive and judicial officers 
both of the United States and of the 
several states, to support the National 
Constitution, but no religious test shall 
ever be required as a qualification to any 
office or public trust under the United 
States. 

Article seven provides for the ratifica- 
tion of the Constitution, which was 
1 4 done in convention by the unanimous 
consent of the states present the seven- 
teenth day of September in the year of 
our Lord one thousand seven hundred 
and eighty-seven and of the independ- 
ence of the United States of America the 
twelfth." In witness of this the mem- 



30 

bers of the convention subscribed their 
names, that of George Washington being 
subscribed first as President, and Deputy 
from Virginia. 

Several amendments have been added 
to the Constitution. Even at the first 
session of the first Congress, 4th of 
March, 1789, a number were offered for 
consideration, ten of which were ratified 
by the Constitutional number of state 
legislatures by the middle of December, 
1791. Another was proposed in 1794 
and another 1803, which were both duly 
ratified. Shortly after the close of the 
Civil War, three more were proposed 
and duly became a part of the Constitu- 
tion. 

Article first of the amendments guar- 
antees freedom in religion and speech, 
and of the press, as Congress is to make 
no law respecting an establishment of 
religion, or prohibiting the free exercise 
thereof. The religious persecution of a 
former age brought forth this amend* 
inent, and when some people, like the 
Catholics, talk of establishing their rev 
ligion they should remember former 



31 

times, and remember, too, that free 
agency is a God given right. No law is 
to be made to abridge the freedom of 
speech, or of the press. But ^vhen the 
language used threatens our free institu- 
tions punishment should be inflicted. 
The right of the people to assemble and 
petition the government is not to be vio- 
lated through law. 

Articles two and three refer to the 
militia and soldiers which are contrary 
to the spirit of peace, and it is to be 
hoped the need of them will pass away. 

Article four protects the people from 
unlawful search warrants. The rights of 
the people in this respect are not to be 
violated, and the warrant, when issued, 
is to be supported by oath or affirmation, 
the place to be searched is to be de- 
scribed, and the person or things to be 
seized also. 

Article five provides that u no person 
shall be held to answer for a capital or 
otherwise infamous crime, unless on a 
presentment or indictment of a grand 
jury. " No person is to be subject for 
the same offense and twice put in jeop* 



32 

ardy of life or liinb. A criminal is not 
to be compelled to witness against him- 
self, nor to be deprived of life, liberty, 
or property, without due process of law. 
No private property is to be taken for 
public use without just compensation. 

Article six provides for trial by jury. 
In all criminal prosecutions the accused 
has the right of public trial by jury and 
he is to be informed of the nature and 
cause of the accusation. He is to be 
confronted with the witnesses against 
him, and he is to have compulsory pro- 
cess for obtaining witnesses in his favor, 
the assistance of counsel being provided 
for his defense. 

Article seven provides that 4 ' in suits 
at common law where the value in con- 
troversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the 
right of trial by jury shall be preserved, 
and no fact tried by a jury shall be oth- 
erwise re-examined in any court of the 
United States, than according to the 
rules of common law. " 

Article eight forbids the requirement 
of excessive bail, the imposition of ex- 
cessive fines, and the infliction of cruel 



33 

and unusual punishments. 

Article nine is important because all 
rights which are named in the Constitu- 
tion are not to be construed as denying 
others which belong to the people. 
This prevents the Constitution from be- 
ing bound together with iron bands that 
not even a Samson might break asunder 
in order that the people might enjoy 
greater, fuller, and grander liberty. 
The great persecutions, of a hundred 
years previous and the hard struggle 
with England taught the inaugurators of 
the National Constitution a great lesson 
of freedom. In his last clays, George 
Fox, who is to the Religious Society of 
Friends what George Washington is to 
our country, said that "the Lord had 
sanctified all his sufferings, " and he suf- 
fered much "for the cause of truth." 
We all suffer and through patient endur- 
ance the fruit will mature and ripen. 

In article ten "the powers not dele- 
gated to the United States by the Con- 
stitution, nor prohibited by it to the 
states, are reserved to the states respect- 
ively, or to the people. " This article is 



34 

quite as important as the other just pre- 
ceding. 

In article eleven the judicial power is 
limited so th it it is " not to be construed 
as extending to any suit in law or equity, 
commenced or prosecuted against one of 
the United States by citizens of another 
state, or by citizens or subjects of any 
foreign state.' 7 

Article twelve is an amendment re- 
specting the election of President and 
V ice-President, which has already been 
embodied in this book under that sub- 
ject. 

By article thirteen slavery is prohib- 
ited. This great sin which was a re- 
proach to the people, and because of 
which Jefferson Li trembled w r hen he re- 
membered that God is just," was blotted 
out after a hard struggle through a terri- 
ble war, which itself is sin, so that now, 
v: neither slavery nor involuntary servi- 
tude, except as a punishment for crime, 
\\ hereof the party shall have been duly 
convicted, shall exist w r ithin the United 
States, or any place subject to their jur- 
isdiction," and Congress has power to 



35 

enforce this prohibition by appropriate 
legislation. 

Section one of article fourteen defines 
citizens and their rights. Citizens of the 
United States l 4 are all persons born or 
naturalized in the United States, and 
subject to the jurisdiction thereof," and 
such are citizens of the state wherein 
they reside. No state can make or en- 
force any law which shall abridge the 
privileges or immunities of citizens of 
the United States. "Nor shall any 
state deprive any person of life, liberty 
or property, without due process of law, 
nor deny to any person within its juris- 
diction the equal protection of the laws/' 
Section two provides for the adjustment 
of representation to the elective fran- 
chise. Section three defines disabling 
conditions to be such that no one who 
may have engaged in insurrection or re- 
bellion against the United States or 
given aid or comfort to their enemies, 
shall hold any office under them, when 
an oath had previously been taken to 
support the Constitution. Were officers 
quietly to affirm their support of tlit* 



Constitution instead of taking an oath, 
they would not be nearly as ^pt to be- 
come excited so as to engage in in urrec- 
tion or rebellion. A quiet, meek Chris- 
tian spirit will not rail at the counsels of 
the multitude. Section four provides 
that all public debts of the United 
States when authorized by law are valid 
and shall not be called into question. 
Congress has the power to enforce the 
provisions of this article. 

Article fifteen extends the right of 
suffrage by prohibiting the denal or 
abridgment of that privilege on account 
of race, color or previous condition of 
servitude, and Congress is expressly 
given the power to enforce the provisions 
of this article. 

The next thing now to consider are 
future amendments to the Constitution. 
A number of these are proposed, and it 
is quite probable th..t some of them 
never will be adopted, or even acted 
upon. There are those which propose 
changes rather than additions. There 
are others, though, that must be acted 
upon some day, and which must be 



adopted. The most important of these 
is that of the prohibition of intoxicants. 
It is proposed to prohibit their manufac- 
ture, sale, exportation, importation, and 
transportation within the jurisdiction of 
the United States. Probably the ques- 
tion of the righteousness of such an 
amendment might b^ considered in this 
book. There are those who contend 
that it is conflicting with personal liberty 
to prohibit this iniquitous business. 
Some of these will even admit that the 
business is iniquitous, and yet will argue 
for the cont : nuation of the works of ini- 
quity. How can we ever have right- 
eousness if iniquity is to be permitted to 
exist? It is righteousness that "exalteth 
a nation but sin is a reproach to any 
people." All iniquity is sin. As to 
those who see no iniquity in the business 
they are blind — blind to the miseries and 
woes of their fellow-creatures. They 
are without love, and are willing, for a 
transient pleasure, (which wrecks the 
victim or those in the third and fourth 
generation,) to pass by unheeded the 
cries of want and of pain, and to permit 



38 

themselves and posterity to sink into 
degradation and shame. But will pos- 
terity always close its ear to this cry, 
and make themselves liable to sink for- 
ever into the pit ? The fathers die, and 
the third and fourth generation pass 
away, but a new generation is ever com- 
ing. And some day a new generation 
will u rise on stepping stones of the dead 
past to higher things." The^e lrgher 
things will be found in the prohibition 
of all intoxicants, which word is more 
applicable, surely, to the scope of the 
subject, than others sometimes proposed ; 
as when the term used is intoxicating 
beverages, which may be construed to 
mean tea, coffee, and chocolate, as well 
as alcoholic beverages, but which ex- 
cludes tobacco and opium. The word, 
intoxicants, includes all. Certainly the 
personal use of opium and tobacco must 
some day be prohibited. And the in- 
jurious effects of tea, coffee, and choco- 
late will become so well known that 
they, too, w r ill be prohibited, and hence 
all intoxicants should be prohibited. 
The theine in tea, caffeine in coffee, theo- 



39 

bromine in chocolate, narcotine in opium, 
and nicotine in tobacco, are active poi- 
sonous principles which make these 
things injurious in their effects upon the 
human system. • The principle of total 
abstinence must first become adopted by 
the individual before there can be con- 
certed action on prohibition. This will 
be the rule of action, and when the ma- 
jority of the people becomes educated to 
see and know its importance, prohibition 
will be so easy that it will be wondered 
why the country endured the evil so 
long;. But then it is Providence. Tern- 
perance people often rely upon them- 
selves and fall short of the mark, not 
appearing to know that total abstinence 
cannot be practiced without Divine As- 
sistance. Profession is nothing but hy- 
pocrisy. Possession is the thing. An 
amendment to the Constitution prohibit- 
ing the manufacture, sale, exportation, 
importation, and transportation of all 
intoxicants is one that the morality of 
the age will demand. It is said that 
"the darkest hour is just before day- 
light, " and when it looks as though the 



40 

country is completely given over to in- 
toxication then will come the prohibitory 
amendment But the people have a 
great deal to learn before they will be 
willing to adopt such an advanced 
amendment. They must be taught more 
and more "line upon line and precept 
upon precept." The evil effects of in- 
toxicants may appear very plain to some 
people, but these should be patient with 
the blindness of others, for they have as 
many other things that are as much as 
they can bear. The language of Christ 
was, ' ' I have yet many things to say 
unto you but ye cannot bear all now. 
Those who have gone before us could 
not bear all that can be borne to-day, 
but this is no excuse that we shall not 
adopt the truth as fast as we are able. 
We are not to shirk our duty because of 
the weight of the burden. "If we 
faint in the day of adversity our strength 
is small." The day of wickedness is 
prolonged because "the iniquity of the 
Amorite is not yet full. " There is a 
familiar saying that "every dog must 
have his day, " and the dog of the rum 



41 

power must have his. And further it is 
God and His Christ who overthrows all 
evil and God's time is not our time. 
The evil that the children of Israel used 
to commit iC in the sight of the Lord," 
whereby they would be delivered into 
the hands of the Philistines was that of 
not acknowledging the Power of God. 
They would rely on themselves and 
hence suffered defeat. It is the Arm of 
the Lord that alone can save. Hence all 
work for an amendment should be non- 
partisan for God is in no party. We 
are told u to judge not, for, with what 
judgment we judge, we shall be judged." 
There is a judgment and "when ye 
judge, judge a righteous judgment." 
This judgment comes of the Spirit of 
Truth. It is not one of condemnation, 
because Christ came not to destroy but 
to save. Temperance people are all 
wrong in condemning those who do not 
see eye to eye with them. At one time 
some of the disciples came to Jesus say- 
ing, "Master, we saw them casting out 
devils, but they were not doing it in Thy 
name and so we forbade them." Jesus 



42 

said, "Forbid them not, for they that 
are not against us are for us. " Partisans 
do not thmk this. They think that their 
way is the only way. But there is no 
condemnation when living up to the best 
light afforded. " She has done what 
she could." The condemnation is in the 
heart, as John says, i ' If our heart con- 
demn us, God being greater than our 
heart, we are not assured before Him, 
but if our heart condemn us not then ^e 
are assured. " Samson felt the Spirit of 
the Lord prompting him to go and take 
a wife from amongst the Philistines, 
which thing grieved his parents, they not 
knowing the Lord was with him, which 
shows that the Lord works to suit His 
own purposes. Is this not so ? Let him 
or her who is " in the Lord, " say yes or 
no. Satan transforms himself into an 
angel of light and he is continually get- 
ting up new things like parties. We are 
all 'right if we do the best we can. Pro- 
hibitionists who work with a party are 
continually contradicting this. If the 
party is right then those who are out of 
it are not doing the best they can. This 



43 

is the judgment pronounced by those in 
the party, and it is the very worst form 
of tyranny. It takes away all freedom 
of action. It is before the judgment seat 
of God that we all stand, and it is u be- 
f jre Him that every knee shall bow and 
tongue confess that He is the Lord." 
We must mind that. Why what is man 
that his fellow man should bow before 
him ? Tut, his breath is only in his nos- 
trils. What ! does any man living know 
what his brother should do, or does any 
woman know what her sister should do ? 
Every one of us has enough to do to 
mind our own business. There is such 
an immense amount of work for each 
one of us all to do that there is not time 
to bother ourselves about what others 
should do. We are responsible for not 
doing what we should do. Peter wanted 
to know what "this man should do," 
but was answered with, 4 • What is that 
to thee ? Follow thou Me. " If others 
do not do what they should do that is 
their lookout and not ours. We shall 
never be responsible for their doings. 
We can work for prohibition without 



44 

casting them off. But they will be cut 
off themselves if they do not give Gocl 
the glory, as it is written, "My Spirit 
will not always strive with man. " Our 
spirit though is not the Spirit of God, 
and it is usurpation for us to move with- 
out the Holy Spirit of God. 

Another very important amendment 
that is needed to the National Constitu- 
tion is that granting the right of suffrage 
to women. Woman is the co-equal and 
companion of man. She is not his in- 
ferior nor is she his superior. If the 
right of suffrage would be degrading to 
woman then it is degrading to man. 
The use of this right by man is for the 
purpose of government, and woman, cer- 
tainly should enjoy the privilege of gov- 
erning herself. When man governs her 
he exercises authority over her, which is 
contrary to the Divine order in the be- 
ginning that said, " I will make an help- 
meet for the man. 1 ' The very term 
helpmeet implies equality between the 
man and woman, and if equality does 
exist, then, surely, woman has the right 
to assist in government. The right of 



45 

suffrage does not appear to be " woman's 
sphere," because custom has kept her 
from exercising it. Her "Sphere " is 
quite the same as man's. She sits down 
at the same table that he does and eats 
the same things that he does, and eats 
also quite as much as he does. All 
through life she enjoys the same things 
as he does, and it only appears to some 
men that she is something quite different 
from man because she is a little differ- 
ently constructed from him, but the 
right of eufcige has nothing to do with 
her especial construction nor has it any- 
thing to do with man's especial construc- 
tion. On the other hand the right of 
suffrage will give to woman a greater 
privilege to enjoy her own individual 
existence as it will enlarge her field of 
usefulness. Woman has large abilities 
and she shows herself capable of carry- 
ing on great undertakings. England 
once showed the beautiful equality be- 
tween man and woman in the reign of 
king William and queen Mary, and 
Spain also showed it in the reign of king 
Ferdinand and queen Isabella. If such 



46 

a state of affairs as these could exist a'l 
the time a new joy would be added to 
life. The right of suffrage to woman 
would not be making her usurp authority 
over the man. A Constitutional amend- 
ment in this respect would be another 
great advancement in the line of fuller 
liberties. Under the existing order of 
things where woman is deprived of her 
equal rights in the enjoyment of the 
right of suffrage she is a slave to man's 
authority. Previous to marriage man 
treats woman as his equal. He gives 
her his attentions and asks in the course 
of time if she will marry him, but after 
the marriage takes place he becomes 
"the head of the house." And so in 
governmental affairs he treats her as 
though he were indeed fct the lord of 
creation." Why does he not keep up 
the idea of equality that he has when 
giving her his attentions to become his 
life partner at all times ? Why is he any 
more in authority over her at one time 
than at another ? Certainly common 
sense will answer that he has no such 
authority. Men and women are the 



47 

same everywhere, and as woman is upon 
grounds of equality in the attentions she 
receives from the opposite sex for the 
purpose of marriage so she should be 
upon the same grounds in all of the af- 
fairs of life. 

Yet another very important amend- 
ment needed to the National Constitution 
is that recognizing social purity. Were 
intoxicants prohibited, woman suffrage 
granted, and the purity of the sexes 
Constitutionally recognized it would 
seem that the people of this country had 
about reached perfection. There is no 
doubt but that crime would still exist, 
but the whole people would not be in the 
degeneration. Where free agency exists 
the will to commit evil must also exist, 
but no wrong is such to a person until it 
is so understood. What may be great 
wickedness for one person may not be 
such to another, unless the latter is con- 
scious of it. Hence with the existence 
of the present evils the people are not 
degenerated. Evil is such to him who 
esteems it to be evil. The circumstances 
of the times is a sufficient excuse for 



48 

falling short of u the mark of the high 
calling." But when knowledge and un- 
derstanding present things in their true 
light then circumstances are no excuse, 
but we must rise above them and make 
them serve us instead of our serving 
them. It is in this way that the world 
has been progressing. Men have risen 
little by little above the circumstances of 
their times, and reforms have been grad- 
ually accomplished. Social purity with 
the recognition of the one standard of 
morality as regard the sexes is a reform 
that must be embodied in the Constitu- 
tion. This reform will prevent the state 
regulation of vice, whereby young girls 
are used for the most grossly immoral 
purposes, when, in many cases, they 
have not even reached their teens. The 
idea of the purity reform is to abolish 
the awful immoral business, for it is car- 
ried on as a business, not only with the 
very young girls but with all ages. 
Such an amendment as this would be the 
very greatest advancement. Impurity is 
the greatest of all evils. It is the hand- 
maid of intoxicants, and were this abol- 



49 

ished the eyes of the people would be 
opened to see the other evil, with its 
prohibition very soon following the 
other prohibition. 

The problems that are now pressing 
themselves for Constitutional amendment 
are greater than any that ever claimed 
the attention of the people of the coun- 
try. Our forefathers were faithful in 
their day and generation and it behooves 
us that we be in ours. Different ages of 
the world call for new problems. Our 
work to-day is as much more important 
as the education of the jpast reforms has 
given us greater knowledge and under- 
standing. If we fall short of our duty 
then we shall be unfaithful to the mem- 
ory of the past. Many of those who 
have gone before us preached these 
things that are now being so strongly 
agitated and advocated, and who lived 
up to their preaching, but there were 
other problems to be solved that made 
these too great to be considered with 
them. Now, these questions are grow- 
ing to be the most important, and the 
people will rise to a higher and grander 



50 

level. With the adoption of these 
amendments life will have new felicities 
added to it. But it will take struggling 
to adopt them. We must love the ques- 
tions involved for their own sakes. We 
must prohibit intoxicants because of the 
terrible effects that follow their use. 
We must give woman the right of suf- 
frage because of the elevation of her sex. 
We must prohibit social impurity in all 
of its forms because of its awful blight- 
ing effects. 



CONCLUSION. 

LET it be remembered in conclusion 
that the National Constitution is 
of great importance to all who live 
under its jurisdiction. A copy of it 
should be in every household. Com- 
mentaries upon it should be well circu- 
lated and the people learn to know what 
it contains and wherein it needs new 
additions. Although several new addi- 



51 

tions have been pointed out in this book, 
there are others that might profitably be 
commented upon. For instance, in the 
election of electors who choose the Presi- 
dent and Vice-President, almost all the 
states at present nominate the whole 
number of electors to be chosen, while 
in one state, that of Michigan, the state 
is divided into districts and each district 
elects one elector. This way gives a 
much better representation in the elec- 
toral college and acts as a prevention to 
a state going sblidly one way or the 
other. This question belongs to the 
legislatures of the states, as the National 
Constitution states, which has already 
been mentioned. 

Civil service measures and civil service 
reform is a subject that has been brought 
to the attention of the public in the last 
few years and it is one which the Na- 
tional Constitution fully recognizes in its 
spirit. It certainly was never intended 
that the wise provisions of that instru- 
ment should be used to partisan ends, 
giving to the victors "the spoils of 
offices." The offices of the government 



52 

belong to those who serve the country 
faithfully without regard to party, and 
there can be no better way to determine 
who these are than through a commission 
who will give the rewards of office on 
merit without fear or favor. Where the 
incumbent of office has served faithfully 
he deserves a reward by the continuation 
in office without regard to any political 
changes that may have been made in an 
election. Indeed an election should de- 
termine questions of political economy — 
those measures which are best for the 
country, and not which men are best. 
Good men with honest purposes are 
found in all parties and in all conditions 
of life. 

The proper way to study, then, the 
National Constitution is in its broad 
spirit for the good and the elevation of 
the whole country. Let it then be stud- 
ied in this spirit. 

The End. 



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